Anti-racism Resources This guide is a starting point for members of the Fitchburg State University community seeking information and resources to learn about anti-racism, white privilege, and inclusion.
Interpersonal Racism Interpersonal Racism also called individual racism or personally mediated racism - occurs between individuals, and is what most people think of when using the term racism. Minard investigated how social norms influence prejudice and discrimination. The behavior of black and white miners in a town in the southern United States was observed, both above and below ground. Below ground, where the social norm was friendly behavior towards work colleagues, 80 of the white miners were friendly towards the black miners.
Above ground, where the social norm was prejudiced behavior by whites to blacks, this dropped to The white miners were conforming to different norms above and below ground. Whether or not prejudice is shown depends on the social context within which behavior takes place.
Pettigrew also investigated the role of conformity in prejudice. He investigated the idea that people who tended to be more conformist would also be more prejudiced, and found this to be true of white South African students. Similarly, he accounted for the higher levels of prejudice against black people in the southern United States than in the north in terms of the greater social acceptability of this kind of prejudice in the south.
Rogers and Frantz found that immigrants to Rhodesia now Zimbabwe became more prejudiced the longer they had been in the country. They gradually conformed more to the prevailing cultural norm of prejudice against the black population. Evaluation : Conformity to social norms, then, may offer an explanation for prejudice in some cases.
Several extensive articles and reports review the literature within specific domains. We provide a selected bibliography of major papers from the theoretical and empirical literature at the end of this report.
This bibliography includes research that demonstrates the methods used to assess discrimination within particular domains. Although in Part II of our report we do not discuss specific methods applied in each domain in turn, we do examine the broad approaches used to measure the types of discrimination outlined above. We also discuss where alternative approaches may be implemented more easily within one domain than another.
In some cases, we suggest that specific methods should be applied in domains where they have not yet been used. Much of the discussion of the presence of discrimination and the effects of antidiscrimination policies assumes discrimination is a phenomenon that occurs at a specific point in time within a particular domain.
For instance, discrimination can occur in entry-level hiring in the labor market or in loan applications in mortgage lending. But this episodic view of discrimination occurring may be inadequate. Here we explore the idea, noted in Chapter 3 , that discrimination should be seen as a dynamic process that functions over time in several different ways. First, the effects of discrimination may cumulate across generations and through history. For instance, impoverishment in previous generations can prevent the accumulation of wealth in future generations.
Similarly, learned behavior and expectations about opportunities and life possibilities can shape the behaviors and preferences of future generations for members of different racial groups. Outcomes in labor.
For instance, children who are less healthy and more impoverished may do worse in school, and in turn, poor education may affect labor market opportunities. Again, small levels of discrimination at multiple points in a process may result in large cumulative disadvantage. For instance, children who do not learn basic educational skills in elementary school because of discrimination may face future discrimination in the way they are tracked or the way their test scores are interpreted in secondary school.
Small effects of discrimination in job search e. There are many instances in which the application of neutral rules harms a member of a disadvantaged racial group because of discrimination at some other time or place in the social system.
However, there is presently no case law that addresses these broad social effects; the law frequently will not deem the challenged conduct to be unlawful if it merely transmits, rather than expands, the extent of racial discrimination. Similarly, the law does not hold any agents or institutions responsible for problems outside their legitimate purview. Discrimination occurring in other domains or in society generally need not be remedied; hence, cumulative discrimination is not a legal issue.
An employer who needs highly educated workers can hire them as he or she finds them, even if doing so means that only a small percentage of black or Hispanic workers will be hired because prior discrimination in educational opportunities limited the number of members of these groups with the requisite skills. Whether cumulative discrimination is important across generations, across a lifetime in different domains, and over time within a specific domain are empirical questions.
However, these questions have not been addressed to any great extent by empirical social scientists. In Chapter 11 , we return to the issue of the importance of developing methods focused not just on measuring discriminatory behavior at a particular point in time in a specific process but also on understanding the cumulative and dynamic effects of discrimination over time and across processes.
Discrimination manifests itself in multiple ways that range in form from overt and intentional to subtle and ambiguous, as well as from personal to institutional, whether through statistical discrimination and profiling or organizational processes. Discrimination also operates differently in different domains and may cumulate over time within and across domains. Regardless of which form it takes, discrimination can create barriers to equal treatment and opportunity and can have adverse effects on various outcomes.
Although discrimination is sometimes still practiced openly, it has become increasingly socially undesirable to do so. Consequently, such discrimination as exists today is more likely to take more subtle and complex forms. Subtler forms of discrimination can occur spontaneously and ambiguously and go undetected, particularly at the institutional level. Although legal standards address specific forms of unlawful intentional or statistical discrimination, subtler forms are more difficult to address within the law.
Thus, shifts in kinds of discriminatory behavior have implications for the measurement of discrimination. As we discuss in the next chapter, some types of discrimination may be more difficult to identify and may require collecting new and different data and the further development of new methods of analysis.
Many racial and ethnic groups in the United States, including blacks, Hispanics, Asians, American Indians, and others, have historically faced severe discrimination—pervasive and open denial of civil, social, political, educational, and economic opportunities. Today, large differences among racial and ethnic groups continue to exist in employment, income and wealth, housing, education, criminal justice, health, and other areas. While many factors may contribute to such differences, their size and extent suggest that various forms of discriminatory treatment persist in U.
Measuring Racial Discrimination considers the definition of race and racial discrimination, reviews the existing techniques used to measure racial discrimination, and identifies new tools and areas for future research.
The book conducts a thorough evaluation of current methodologies for a wide range of circumstances in which racial discrimination may occur, and makes recommendations on how to better assess the presence and effects of discrimination. Based on feedback from you, our users, we've made some improvements that make it easier than ever to read thousands of publications on our website.
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Visit NAP. Looking for other ways to read this? No thanks. Suggested Citation: "4 Theories of Discrimination. Measuring Racial Discrimination. Page 56 Share Cite. Intentional, Explicit Discrimination. Page 57 Share Cite. Page 58 Share Cite. Subtle, Unconscious, Automatic Discrimination. Page 59 Share Cite. Page 60 Share Cite. For example, Bargh and colleagues demonstrated how categori-. Page 61 Share Cite. Statistical Discrimination and Profiling.
Page 62 Share Cite. Page 63 Share Cite. Organizational Processes. Institutionalized discrimination refers to the unfair, indirect treatment of certain members within a group. These practices are embedded in the operating procedures , policies, laws, or objectives of large organizations , such as governments and corporations , financial institutions, public institutions and other large entities.
Usually the bias targets specific, easily stereotyped and generalizable attributes, such as race, gender, nationality, sexual orientation and age. Though direct discrimination is illegal by United States law, many academics, activists, and advocacy organizations assert that indirect discrimination is still pervasive in many social institutions and daily social practices.
Examples of institutionalized discrimination include laws and decisions that reflect racism , such as the Plessy vs. Ferguson U. This ruling was later rescinded in by the Brown vs.
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